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April 3, 2005
Demystify
the Ninth Amendment
A 'living'
Constitution might well be dangerous, but so can a
frozen one
by Tibor R. Machan, Ph.D.
In
a recent talk, U.S. Supreme Court Justice Antonin
Scalia criticized his fellow justices for making
law, a role he believes belongs to the legislature
or the people themselves. Justices, he argued, are
there to interpret the U.S. Constitution and this
they must do by reading it as it was intended back
when it was framed and when it was later
amended.
In his dissent Scalia wrote of his concern that
the high court is proclaiming itself the sole
arbiter of the nation's moral standards.
The charge Scalia has leveled at his colleagues
- five of them, the majority who ruled for
abolition of the death penalty for juveniles and
the mentally impaired - is the substance of the
general criticism usually labeled "judicial
activism."
This view decries it when the court rules as if
there exist rights that are not explicitly
mentioned or enumerated within the U.S.
Constitution.
One of the most famous of these unenumerated
rights is the right to privacy, and the majority of
the court has ruled in several recent cases that
various state laws violate this right and are,
therefore, unconstitutional and invalid laws.
In his recent public talk, Justice Scalia argued
that the idea of a living constitution is
essentially wrongheaded because it leaves the
country without a firm basis of law by which it can
be governed. Instead of a stable set of
constitutional principles, justices have come to
make laws based on their "personal policy
preferences," thus undermining the classic doctrine
of the rule of law (as opposed to that of arbitrary
governors).
The case Scalia makes has a good deal going for
it because it is indeed part of the theory of
politics in the USA that the role justices play
does not include making laws, only interpreting the
Constitution.
Yet, there is a problem here because Justice
Scalia ignores the Ninth Amendment to the U.S.
Constitution, the one that states unequivocally
that aside from rights enumerated in that document,
the people have others as well.
The Ninth reads: "The enumeration in this
Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be
construed to deny or disparage others retained by
the people."
So, while this does not sanction any kind of
loose, "living" constitutional doctrine, it does
make clear reference to rights that aren't
explicitly listed in the U.S. Constitution.
What could those rights be? Pretty much to do
everything and anything the government isn't
authorized to prohibit. Indeed, the point of the
U.S. Constitution does not appear to be to spell
out our rights in particular, other than to spell
out for emphasis of some of the most crucial ones.
It is, rather, to state what the strictly limited
powers of government are.
As to whether this authorizes the U.S. Supreme
Court to strike down state and federal legislation
that permits the execution of juveniles or the
mentally ill, the situation is complicated. It is
arguable, however, that one role of the court is to
spell out the logical meanings of terms within the
Constitution for our own times, meanings that have
clearly undergone some rational evolution.
If it is determined, for example, that children
and the mentally disabled lack the full capacity of
adult humans, this could reasonably require
interpreting provisions of the U.S. Constitution
and other laws accordingly.
And that is just what seems to lie behind recent
rulings.
For example, the young, who in our day aren't
permitted to enter into contracts, to marry on
their own or to vote, would probably not warrant
being judged guilty of crimes exactly as they were
when certain nuances in understanding what human
beings are had been overlooked or were not clearly
understood.
Against Scalia it can be argued that although
the idea of a living constitution is dangerous, so
is the idea of a frozen one.
Reasonable development in the meaning of the
terms in the fundamental laws of the society is to
be expected and should not be thwarted in the US
Supreme Court's deliberations and rulings.
Those who protest that this is anti-democratic
need to consider that the founders were not pure
democrats by a long shot - just consider the
Electoral College, which is blatantly
anti-democratic.
Machan
Archive
Copyright © 2004 Tibor Machan and reprinted
with permission.
Tibor Machan holds the Freedom Communications
Professorship of Free Enterprise and Business
Ethics at the Argyros School of Business &
Economics, Chapman University, CA. A Research
Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford
University, he is author of 20+ books, most
recently, Putting
Humans First: Why We Are Nature's Favorite.
More
Books by Dr. Machan in The Academy
Bookstore
Dr. Machan can be reached at: machan@chapman.edu
and machatr@home.com
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